2 edition of opposition of the seventeenth century Commonwealthsmen to the Cromwellian Protectorate found in the catalog.
opposition of the seventeenth century Commonwealthsmen to the Cromwellian Protectorate
Robert Eldred Farrar
Photocopy of thesis (Ph.D.), University of Indiana, 1969.
|Statement||Robert Eldred Farrar.|
Heylyn History of Episcopacy, II, He eventually got himself beheaded because he simply could not be trusted to keep any agreement he made. Though it is commonly thought to be the Englishman's inheritance, it falls far short of the Saxon laws, and is merely the best that could be wrung from a despot by force. God conferred authority with his own hand on rightful rulers, including James I, especially James I. Nisbet, The Sociological Tradition; J. At Westminster they might proclaim their subjection to the best of kings; at home they proclaimed the subjection of everyone else and wielded the kings authority as their own.
In this process, it is the revolution that marks the critical moment. Every, The High Church Party, chapters 5, 8. But only in revolutionary years were men moved to rush into print who had previously brooded in silence over their Bibles and their grievances. See note 40 below. It has often been held that the problems of philosophy are eternal and unchanging, and that the history of any of its branches is merely the record of how the same problems have been dealt with down the ages.
Every battle was, in his eyes, an 'appeal to God — indeed he many times uses that phrase as a synonym for fighting — and each victory was a judgment of God in his favour. Returning members held those sentiments more keenly. During the preceding two centuries, with the assistance often at the behest of their noble connections, the gentry had pretty much taken over the House of Commons, nudging out local burghers from the borough seats. Ogilvie, III, p. His animosity against the Scots was such that he told Manchester that 'in the way they now carried themselves pressing for their discipline, he could as soon draw his sword against them as against any in the king's army. Relf, eds.
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Conventional parlance often referred to the Commons, flatteringly, as the senate. Even as he supplied the propaganda they required of him, he found a means of asserting, with resourceful obliqueness, an individuality and independence of voice.
And over the long run mere force, even if entirely at the disposal of the governing few, is not a sufficient basis for inducing consent. Tuck, Natural Rights Theories Cambridge, ; of the few recent works that have dealt with the religious complexion of ideological debate, the most notable are M.
McGregor and B. Note G. Indeed, most of the leading principles which inspired the eighteenth-century revolutions in Europe and America received their first commanding expression during the years when the Long Parliament defeated the king and Cromwell set up his power.
Apart from the paramount necessity of preventing a new war, Cromwell had no sympathy with either the social or political aims of the levellers. In the conferences on the settlement of the kingdom in December he let fall the opinion that a settlement with somewhat of monarchical power in it would be best.
On 1 Dec. Theearly life of Oliver Cromwell has been the subject of many fables, which have been carefully collected and sifted by Mr. Baxter's Treatise of Episcopacy Yet those preoccupations were compatible with loyalty to, even veneration of, the English monarchy and the rights bestowed on kings by law and custom.
Their achievements made English political thought the most advanced in Europe at that time. However, because of the four sets of proposals from the sectarians, which if implemented would have aided and abetted error, heresy, and schism, they made it known that they wished to add certain doctrinal articles to their own proposals to ensure that the theology preached in the parish churches and registered conventicles was orthodox and such as would be pleasing to the Almighty.
The political world of make-believe mingles with the real world in strange ways, for the make-believe world may often mold the real one. To Hammond he wrote that the northern army could have wished that the southern army would have delayed their remonstrance till after the treaty had been completed, but seeing that it had been presented they thought it right to support it Carlyle, Letter lxxxv.
In defending his title against the pope he took pains to inform his subjects of the awesome authority that Gods commission gave him over them. It was the ablest and most influential work to appear in vindication of the new government.
See BL Sloane and Add. Lowth, Ekalogaixxvi. This is a view we have always been taught is incorrect. As in the case of Crawford, he abandoned his attack on the individual to concentrate his efforts on the attainment of the principle. On the complaint of the latter, his adversary was summoned to appear before the council, and the dispute was there referred to the arbitration of the Earl of Manchester.
The kings body natural had betrayed his body politic. Now it was with man : itizen. No easy task, for the opinions needed to make the many submit to the few are often at variance with observable fact. His recent victories had now removed the personal danger, but there still remained the danger of seeing those victories made useless by the surrender of all he had fought for.
The list was a long one innovations in religion, innovations in government, incompetence in the army and navyand at the end it came to the point: the source of all these troubles was the Duke of Buckingham.involved in a similar dispute.
Throughout the seventeenth century the area of cultivation was gradually being extended to feed the growing population, and it is evident that CromweU did not object to drainage in general.
However, due to his concern for the commoners of. This page intentionally left blank Parliaments and Politics during the Cromwellian Protectorate This ground-breaking volume fills a major historiographical gap by providing the first detailed book-length study of the period of the Protectorate Parliaments from September to April The notion of a titular Protectorate, a godly Council of State, a Senate and a new Parliament was not Owen’s idea.
The grandees wanted to retain a nominal Protectorate, appoint a Council of State they could trust, and have a second chamber acting as the guardian of certain fundamental laws as well as of their own continued existence. It is of course essential to note that the mid-to-late seventeenth century was the era par excellence of plots, whether real or imagined, and some of the evidence of the many schemes which emerged into the public world was tainted not only by lies, but also 25 See C.
I have given dates according to the 'Old Style' or Julian calendar, which stili prevailed in England in the seventeenth century ; by con trast, however, I have reckoned the year as beginning on iJanuary, rather than, as the contemporary English usage was, on 25 March.
Most of the seventeenth-century works cited were pub1ished in Lon don. In this respect, it has been seen in the context of a period of great anxiety in the seventeenth century, about the Joad Raymond, The newspaper, public opinion, and the public sphere in the seventeenth century, in News, newspapers, and society in early modern Britain, ed.
Joad Raymond, London:p. 44 The omission of the political.